1998_07_july_milk authority

We have heard a lot of emotional drivel and humbug about milk in Canberra the past few weeks.

Only 3 per cent of milk consumed in Canberra comes from the single ACT dairy. The other 97 per cent comes from NSW and Victoria.

The ACT Milk Authority skites that it produces the cheapest milk in Australia, the presumption (a wrong one) being that you need a regulated market to continue to deliver such a result.

How is it that the ACT Milk Authority with only one cute little dairy in Fyshwick can deliver among the cheapest milk in Australia?
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1998_07_july_booker obit

Malcolm Booker who died on July 15, was an out-spoken voice of conscience and good sense in Australian foreign policy, a loving husband and father, and a gentle and kind man.

He was a diplomat and foreign-affairs officer for 35 years and for two decades until his death wrote a weekly foreign-affairs column for The Canberra Times which provoked the powerful, and gave a different perspective on foreign affairs to a wide range of readers.

Mr Booker was 82.

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1998_05_may_at a glance

At a glance.
Surplus $2.7 billion.
Aged and health:
Gold Card for WWII vets
Seniors Health cards for singles under $40,000 and couples under $67,000.
$80m for preventative health.
Free flu vaccine for over 65s.
$72.6 for Aboriginal primary health care.
Youth:
$260m to extend Work for Dole.
$160m in literacy and career development.
ACT:
International flag display on lake shore.
1% extra funding in real terms.
$62m for roads in region. Duplicate rest of Fed Hwy.
National institutions refurbishment $43m.
National Museum $154m.
Infrastructure tax incentive. Likely to help VFT.
ACT only state or territory with rising debt.
Public Service:
9000 jobs to go.
Family:
Child Support. Non-custodial parents to get a greater say.
Education:
Schools funding to 2002: non-govt up 18.1%; govt up 5.8%.
$176m for literacy in schools
Other:
$19m for Tax Office fight on tax avoidance to reap $200m over 2 years.
Health research up from $169m to $194m.
$215m to fight drugs.
$50m over 4 years for tourism.
$38m for ABC and SBS to digitise
$3m to combat sport drug cheats
Do-it-yourself superannuation initiative.
Y2K bug spending immediately deductible.
Software write-off in 30 months.
Telstra privatisation to improve bottom line by $699m by 2001-02.
Environment spending up 14%

Leader 30Apr 1998 IR

The pay-rise decision of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission yesterday is part of an evolving process in industrial relations. The commission still has and should continue to have a role in industrial relations in Australia. But that role should not be to dot all the i’s and cross all the t’s of every employment contract in the country. Rather its role is to ensure that there is a minimum level of wages and some minimum conditions which apply throughout Australia. This seems the only practicable way to prevent exploitation of the most vulnerable and poorly paid people in the community.

Yesterday the commission awarded an increase to the minimum wage of $14 for those earning up to $550 a week. There were lesser rises for workers earning above that.

The commission rightly pointed out that this should not have a very large impact on inflation and other elements of the economy because the rise applies only to those workers who have not have an equivalent amount or more through enterprise bargaining. It pointed to the evidence that last year’s minimum-wage, safety-net increase did not have a significant impact on the economy for that reason.
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1998_04_april_petit report forum

Michael Moore had a wish list for changes in the structure of ACT self-government. Kate Carnell had a political agenda.

Before the last election both pushed the inquiry. Moore took an active interest in the most critical element of any inquiry — who is going to undertake it. Labor frontbencher Wayne Berry went so far as to say that Moore selected Petit and sounded him out beforehand. Berry’s suggestion goes too far, as the report proves.

Moore did not want a business-person or someone else with a hard economic rationalist approach who would favour small government. He wanted an inquirer who would make recommendations to give cross-benchers a greater role in active government. Petit as a political and social researcher might be expected to be more sympathetic to that, as against a Thatcherite get-on-with-it, small government approach.

Oddly enough, Carnell might have favoured Petit for the same reason. She might be economically dry and socially wet, but she is also aware of public opinion. That opinion, probably wrongly, thought the system of self-government, rather than the people who run it, is a problem and needs reform. Promoting the Petit inquiry was one way of appeasing that opinion. Public opinion aside, she also saw it as a way of undermining the independence of the legislature (read the minors and independents) without giving any of them the real power of a ministry. This was the idea of executive committees — where a quasi-executive turns a blind eye rather than keeps a weather eye on the executive.

Petit sent them both away with fleas in their ears.

The committees are pretty good as they are, he suggested. A little rearranging and some extra money, maybe. But none of this rot where the committees become part of the executive with the committee chair having a seat in Cabinet from time to time. Thank you, Kate, but let’s not undermine the independence of the legislature or the separation of powers.

As to a structural change to accommodate a minister from the cross-benches, as Moore wanted, Petit said that present arrangements allowed for the Chief Minister to pick whomever she wanted among the MLAs as ministers. There was no need for a change to the system. Thank you, Michael, but if you want a ministry mate, negotiate it with Kate on whatever terms you like, don’t expect to be hide under some new structural change.

Carnell, or course, now she is elected, can pick the one or two eyes out of the report she likes and ignore the rest.

But on the core issues, Petit rightly ignored the special pleadings, described strengths of the unique Washington-Westminster hybrid that we have in the ACT, and presented recommendations that amount to a bit more fibre in the diet and some more exercise, but no radical surgery.

More on this in the op-ed pages next week where there is more space.

1998_04_april_leader30apr wage case

The pay-rise decision of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission yesterday is part of an evolving process in industrial relations. The commission still has and should continue to have a role in industrial relations in Australia. But that role should not be to dot all the i’s and cross all the t’s of every employment contract in the country. Rather its role is to ensure that there is a minimum level of wages and some minimum conditions which apply throughout Australia. Continue reading “1998_04_april_leader30apr wage case”

1998_02_february_how hare clark works

Tom Stoppard’s pearl of wisdom: “”Democracy does not lie in the voting, but in the counting,” said Tom Stoppard.

A simple system does not mean a fair system. Similarly a system that is difficult to understand is not necessarily unfair or should be done away with.

The Hare-Clark system is complex and fair _ if you define fair as providing seats in reasonable proportion to votes and at the same time giving some geographical representation.

It is important in Hare-Clark to number preferences right through the ballot paper so every candidate has a number against him or her. This is because preferences flow not only from excluded minor-party candidates but also from excluded major-party candidates, given each major party puts up five candidates for five seats and cannot possibly win all of them.

The ACT has been divided into three electorates: Ginninderra, based on Belconnen, with five seats; Brindabella, based on Tuggeranong, also with five seats and Molonglo, based in the centre, with seven seats.
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1997_11_november_repub forum

The Nick Minchin-John Howard experiment has been a very drab one.

The vote for the constitutional convention was reduced to a bureaucratic function. It was like getting a new electricity connection or telling the bank you have changed your address.

I didn’t feel I was exercising my right to vote. My idea of exercising that right means going to the local primary school — a public place — seeing other members of the public there, looking at how-to-vote cards and then being handed a ballot paper while others around are doing the same thing. In other words, it is a public expression of a private right.
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1997_11_november_forum repub vote

The Nick Minchin-John Howard experiment has failed.

The vote for the constitutional convention was shamefully reduced to a bureaucractic function. It was like geting a new electricity connection or telling the bank you have changed your address.

I didn’t feel I was exercising my right to vote. My idea of exercising the right to vote means going to the local primary school — a public place — seeing other members of the public there, looking at how-to-vote cards and then being handed a ballot paper while others around are doing the same thing. In other words, it is a public expresion of a private right.
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1997_08_augustl_stolen generation

The Commonwealth Government and the High Court came very close this week to accepting the Nuremberg defence over the stolen generation.

The Nuremberg defence was broadly that “”we were following orders and what we did was at the time lawful under the laws of Germany”.

Comparisons with Nazi Germany are usually hyperbole and nearly always odious. I am making a comparison in legal thinking, not in the enormity of the offence. In dry jurisprudential terms it is a debate between legal positivism and natural law.
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